
31 May 2026
Farming · 31 May 2026 · Parish Larder Editorial
Jeremy Clarkson didn't set out to make a farming documentary. He set out to avoid embarrassing himself in front of Kaleb Cooper. What he made instead was the most important piece of public communication about British agriculture in a generation.

Jeremy Clarkson bought Diddly Squat Farm in Oxfordshire in 2008. For more than a decade he paid a farm manager to run it, looked at the rolling fields from his house occasionally, and got on with his career. Then the farm manager retired, lockdown arrived, and Clarkson decided — with the self-confidence that only a man who has never grown anything can muster — that he would farm it himself.
What followed was one of the most unexpectedly important pieces of television about British food and farming that has ever been made.
Series one of Clarkson's Farm, broadcast on Amazon Prime in 2021, contained a moment that has been quoted more widely than almost anything else said about British agriculture in recent memory. After a full growing season — hundreds of acres of wheat farmed at Diddly Squat, with all the machinery, fuel, seed, chemicals, and contractor costs that involves — Clarkson revealed his total profit.
One hundred and forty-four pounds.
Not per acre. Not per week. For the entire harvest. From an entire working farm. After twelve months of effort, uncertainty, equipment breakdowns, weather anxiety, and considerable personal humiliation in front of a 21-year-old local farmer named Kaleb Cooper.
For most viewers, this was genuinely shocking. The assumption — deeply embedded in the public imagination — is that farming is, if not profitable, at least economically viable. That somewhere in the gap between the price of a loaf and the price of a field of wheat, the farmer takes a reasonable cut.
What Clarkson's Farm showed, with the bluntness that only comes from someone who had no reason to soften the message, is that the cut can be vanishingly thin. In a bad year — a late frost, a crop disease, a commodity price move — it can vanish entirely.
The £144 figure was striking precisely because Clarkson had no agenda. He was not trying to make a point about agricultural policy. He was not lobbying for subsidies. He was a television presenter who had tried to grow wheat, had done it reasonably competently with significant help, and was reporting what had actually happened to the money.
And what actually happens to the money on a British arable farm, year after year, is this. The costs are fixed, large, and rising. Seed. Fertiliser, which is priced against global natural gas markets and has doubled in cost in three years. Diesel, which runs every piece of machinery on the farm from the drill to the combine. Pesticides, crop protection chemicals, soil testing, agronomist fees. The machinery itself, which depreciates at a rate that would terrify most business owners — a modern combine harvester costs £500,000 and is used for perhaps three weeks a year.
The revenue is variable, subject to weather, subject to global commodity prices, and subject to the negotiating power of whoever is buying the crop. For wheat, that is typically a grain merchant. The farmgate price for milling wheat in the UK has ranged from around £150 per tonne to £280 per tonne over the past five years, driven largely by events — a drought in Australia, a war in Ukraine, a strong sterling — that a farmer in Oxfordshire has absolutely no control over.
In a good year, with good yields and good prices, a modestly-sized arable operation can make a reasonable return. In a difficult year — and difficult years are more frequent now, as anyone farming through the floods of 2023 and 2024 will tell you — the same operation can lose money. Not break even. Lose money.
Clarkson's response to the economics of arable farming was to diversify. The farm shop at Diddly Squat became one of the most famous retail outlets in the country — queues of hundreds, a social media following that dwarfed most agricultural businesses, and sales of local produce that generated far more revenue than the fields ever had.
The response of Cotswold District Council was to restrict the shop's opening hours, limit its product range, and subject its expansion plans to a planning process of such extended unpleasantness that it became a recurring storyline across three series.
This too was educational for viewers who had never encountered the planning system as it applies to farm diversification. A farmer who cannot make a living from commodity prices and wants to add value by selling direct to the public faces a planning system that was not designed for what they are trying to do. The permissions required. The neighbour objections. The highway surveys. The years of applications and appeals. None of this is unique to Diddly Squat — it is the lived experience of thousands of British farm businesses trying to find a viable path in a market that has consistently undervalued what they produce.
The show's breakout character was not Clarkson. It was Kaleb Cooper — a young local contractor who had grown up farming, who knew the land, who was largely unimpressed by celebrity, and who communicated the knowledge and rhythm of actual agricultural work with a matter-of-factness that was more revealing than any expert interview.
Kaleb represented something that rarely appears on television: a young person who had chosen farming as a profession and was excellent at it. Skilled, informed, funny, and utterly committed to doing the job well. His presence was a corrective to the narrative — common in commentary about British farming — that young people simply don't want to farm.
Young people don't farm when the economics make it irrational to do so. When a family farm cannot generate a living wage. When the entry cost of land is beyond any business plan that banks will finance. When the price you receive for your produce is set by buyers who have no interest in whether your business survives.
Kaleb farmed because he came from a farming family, because the knowledge and the land were there, and because he was good at it. He is not unusual in his passion. He is unusual in having a viable path.
If the show's economic revelations landed with the public in 2021, the political flashpoint came in October 2024. The Autumn Budget announced changes to Agricultural Property Relief — the inheritance tax exemption that has allowed farming families to pass land to the next generation without a tax bill that would require selling the farm to pay it.
The new rules — capping full relief at £1 million, with anything above subject to 20% inheritance tax at death — sound reasonable until you understand what farmland costs. An average working farm of 200 acres, with modest buildings and equipment, is worth well over £2 million at current land prices. Not because the farm is profitable, but because land values have been driven up by non-farming demand — investment buyers, amenity purchasers, solar developers.
The farmer who owns that land is not wealthy in any meaningful sense. They are asset-rich and cash-poor, deeply indebted in many cases, running a business whose annual profit may be measured in the low tens of thousands of pounds. A £200,000 inheritance tax bill — which the new rules could generate on a modest family farm — cannot be paid from that income. The farm must be sold, in whole or in part, to pay the tax.
Farmers gathered in London in their thousands. Tractors on Whitehall. The images were familiar to anyone who had watched what Clarkson's Farm had been documenting for three years — people who work with exceptional skill and commitment, who produce something essential, who are subject to costs and market forces and now tax policy entirely outside their control.
Before Clarkson's Farm, the British public's relationship with farming was largely abstract. Food came from supermarkets. Farmers were somewhere vaguely in the background, presumably prosperous — didn't they get subsidies? — and farming was something that happened in the countryside, which was nice to visit at weekends.
After three series of Diddly Squat, a significant proportion of the viewing public understood, for the first time, what a combine harvester actually does and why it costs what it does. They had seen what happens to a field of oil seed rape when flea beetles get into the crop in the first week. They had watched someone attempt to fix a tractor at midnight in a field in Oxfordshire, in the rain, because the window for harvesting closes whether the machinery cooperates or not.
They had also seen, in numbers they could not easily dismiss, what the margin looks like at the end of it all.
£144. From a farm. From a year's work.
The programme did not solve any of the structural problems it illustrated. Farmgate prices are still set by commodity markets. Supermarket buying power still determines what most British farmers receive for their produce. Planning policy still makes diversification a years-long ordeal. Inheritance tax changes still threaten family farm succession.
But it changed something important and harder to quantify: the degree to which ordinary people, when they think about the food on their table, think about the person who grew it and what they got paid for it.
None of this is comfortable reading. The problems are structural, political, and economic. They require changes in policy, in retail practice, and in how we as a society value the production of food.
But individual purchasing decisions are not powerless. Every time you buy from a local producer — directly, at a farm shop, at a farmers' market, or through a platform like Parish Larder — more of the money you spend reaches the person who grew the food. Not 8p in the pound, which is roughly what supermarket supply chains deliver to the farmer. A genuinely larger share.
Diddly Squat Farm has a shop because Clarkson had the profile to fight for it and the audience to sustain it. Most farms don't. But the principle — selling direct, adding value, building a relationship with customers rather than negotiating against a supermarket buyer — is available to any producer who can find the customers.
That is what Parish Larder is for. Finding those customers. Connecting them to the producers. Keeping more of the money where it belongs.
Clarkson made the argument in the most accessible way imaginable. The rest of it is up to us.
By Parish Larder Editorial
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